Cleavage Megan Barton Hanson naked (73 photo) Bikini, braless
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Gillian Anderson is the latest starlet to bare all in an eye-popping shoot, though this time it's for a good cause.
The X Files actress stripped off, wearing nothing but her birthday suit to support PETA's campaign against fur.
The animal rights campaign doubles as a racy new ad, and the black and white image is enough to set pulses racing.
The 49-year-old Emmy winner posed wearing absolutely nothing (but a pair of cat ears) with the words "I'd rather go naked than wear fur" covering nude body.
PETAXXX FILES: Gillian Anderson stripped off for PETA
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We think fans of the bombshell would be rather happy with her statement.
Flashing more than just a huge grin, the starlet threw her head back and beamed while using her strategically-placed hands to conceal her modesty.
Gillian's locks were styled into tight ringlets rather than her natural straight style.
Speaking about working with PETA during the shoot, she said: "I found it liberating to use my body to make an important statement.
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“People tend to look away from anti-fur ads showing mangled animals”Gillian Anderson
"People tend to look away from anti-fur ads showing mangled animals, but they're drawn to PETA's 'naked' campaign, and I'm proud to be a part of it."
The advert is set to appear on a 70-foot billboard over Penn Station during New York Fashion Week, which begins on Thursday.
Gillian has previously teamed up with the animal-rights organisation in the past.
The starlet sat at the end of a long table with an unappetising roast, telling the camera: "Eating meat: It's a matter of taste."
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GETTYTHE X FILES: Gillian's show is in its 11th season
The actress grimaced at the camera before it panned down to show her bandaged upper-thigh.
Gillian currently plays FBI Special Agent Dana Scully opposite long-time co-star David Duchovony on The X Files.
The hit series is currently in its 11th season.Related articles
Catherine Ashton's work as foreign policy chief of the EU culminated in her playing a key role in the Iran nuclear deal in Geneva. Photograph: Georges Gobet/AFP/Getty Images
There is a scene in the Tom Hanks film Captain Phillips where the pirates are closing on his lumbering container ship off the coast of Somalia, and the US navy is not responding to his calls for help. So he goes instead to Northwood, high command of EU Navfor Somalia, the European anti-piracy naval force, which never sleeps. It would have been a different kind of film if the Europeans had pulled off the rescue. In fact, if EU Navfor's political boss, Lady Ashton, had had a say, the whole crisis might have been resolved in an altogether calmer manner.
Ashton is so unostentatious she is almost invisible, the polar opposite to, say, the IMF boss Christine Lagarde who makes every head turn. Angela Merkel without the authority of leading Europe's economic engine room. A job that people once assumed would be made by the personality of its holder – David Miliband's, for example – has instead been made by someone whose personality is a very carefully guarded secret. Only her friends know that she has a Dalek in her front room, an indication that there might be more to Ashton than her understated appearance might suggest.
Yet the former chair of the Hertfordshire health authority, and deputy chair of the National Council for One Parent Families, has made a job that, when she took it, existed only as a line in the Lisbon treaty, into the driving force behind a deal that could transform global diplomacy. Not bad for "the most ridiculous appointment in European history" .
Ashton comes from a Lancashire mining family, attended Wigan Mining and Technical College, and then became the first in her family to go to university. But in a politically polarised era, politics was never far away. Her first job was with the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, later trawled for dirt by her European critics, who claimed that having worked for CND she must have been in the pay of the Soviet Union.
But the foundations of her future career almost certainly rested on her years working for Prince Charles's Business in the Community charity, which she joined soon after it was set up in 1982. It gave her an early opportunity to frame her own terms of operation and she used it to set up programmes, including the Windsor Fellowship, that met her personal political agenda – better opportunities for ethnic minorities, more chances for people with disabilities, stronger communities. It also took her into the circle of social entrepreneurs who surrounded the prince. She became, by all accounts, a kind of liaison officer between the prince and the young Labour talent that just happened to included Tony Blair and Gordon Brown.
The curious thing about Ashton's career – although it may say as much about the Labour party of the 1980s, too – is that despite being known as a hardworking constituency activist, she never considered standing for parliament herself. "She hasn't got the ego," is the general view of her friends.
Instead, she chaired her health authority for three years, got involved in non-political campaigns and chaired her children's school governors. Journalists got to know her not because of who she was but because of who she was married to – the pollster and political commentator Peter Kellner.
But, in 1999, Blair made her a life peer and she became a junior education minister in 2001. "People were always surprised when she was promoted," remarked one person who first met her at that time.
She joined a powerful team of women in the Lords – Margaret Jay, Patricia Hollis, Tessa Blackstone – all high-visibility, fluent, public personalities, against whom she made little impression. Colleagues felt she was outshone. She was often considered charmless. After a couple of years, she was moved sideways to the Department for Constitutional Affairs, which became the Ministry of Justice.
It appeared to be an everyday tale of a political timeserver. Every government needs them, worthy people preferably without ego who show up and answer questions and go on visits. But there were signs, for those who troubled to read them, that there was a lot more to her than that. "The government was nearly defeated on tuition fees in the Commons," remembered one friend, "but she managed the bill so there was no vote at all in the Lords."
In 2005, she was voted minister of the year, and then peer of the year, a sign of growing respect among formerly sceptical colleagues. The following year, she was made a privy counsellor, another arcane but important honour, and when Brown became prime minister, he made her leader of the Lords.
Unlike the confrontational Commons, where arguments are won by weight of votes, the Lords depends on networks and negotiations and its leader is a cabinet-ranking role. Ashton's job was to get the government's legislation through, preferably – since there was no government majority – avoiding a vote. Where a vote was unavoidable, Lib Dems had to be brought onside. The first task was to get the legislation enacting the Lisbon treaty through, against strong Tory opposition. Ashton triumphed. "There is no limit to what you can achieve," a friend observed, "if you are prepared to let other people take the credit."
Perhaps it was her proven capacity to grasp complex European technicalities that meant when Brown decided he needed Peter Mandelson back from Europe to watch his back in the run up to the 2010 election, he chose her to take Mandelson's place as trade commissioner. Or perhaps it was the need to avoid a disastrous byelection which the appointment of an MP to Brussels would have triggered. Either way, Ashton found herself pitched into perhaps the most demanding and important of the EU commission briefs, in the wake of one of politics' great showmen, and in the middle of the Doha round of talks on world trade. Barely a year later, she became the first ever EU high representative for foreign affairs.
Her reception could not have been more poisonous. But nor, it now appears, more misjudged. "Somehow I don't see Hillary Clinton and Lady Ashton as the Butch Cassidy and Sundance Kid of international affairs," wrote one Telegraph correspondent.
"She doesn't pay attention to that kind of thing," a close friend said. "She won't make a big thing of the Iran negotiations, and she didn't make a big thing of the criticism she got when she was appointed."
Just as well, because the criticism did not end with her appointment. It is easy now to explain that she spent most of her first year establishing a new, united EU External Action Service, a huge job that required manoeuvering three different and reluctant departments who'd been concerned with EU foreign policy out of their bunkers and their eight different buildings and bringing them all together under one roof while negotiating a budget and getting to PhD level in a matter of months on the EU's foreign interests.
Those she divided in four: "the neighbourhood" – that is with the countries immediately to the east and south – and Russia, China and the US.
As late as last year there were suggestions that Ashton was to be replaced. David Cameron was rumoured to want to trade her and her job for a Briton doing the city regulation brief.
But slowly the results have begun – perhaps not to roll in, but to add up. From the start, she established a tight relationship with Clinton. The US secretary of state saw the advantage of a low-profile, no-baggage independent friend who could reach places and people that she could not. When Clinton stepped aside and John Kerry took over, there were fears that such a personal rapport could not be replicated. "Instead," said one insider, "it is even closer. He calls her, literally, all the time."
That may partly be a reflection of the nature of the relative world standings of the two players. The US seeks results which it cannot necessarily be seen to be trying to achieve. Ashton, representing an organisation many of whose members still retain their own ambassadors and run their own foreign policies, can do some of the heavy lifting without being noticed. Her staff speak with awe of how, as the UN's officially recognised negotiator, she kept open the negotiations with Iran through the long hours and days before the election, when it seemed Tehran had absolutely no interest in getting a result.
"She is not remotely boastful or ostentatious," says Jack Straw, a veteran of Iran negotiations. "She doesn't have an inflated ego to trip over. From 'Cathy Who?' to being described as 'brilliant' – that's quite a journey."
And her successes are on a wider stage than the Iran negotiations. Six months ago, she brokered a deal between Serbia and Kosovo which ended a 13-year impasse. "She was left to get on with it," one observer reported, "on the grounds that she'd fail." Instead she succeeded so well that both sides asked that she continue to be engaged in the negotiations. She has made it her business to be close to all parties in the Arab spring, the defining series of events of her time in office. She's the only world-ranking diplomat whom everyone in Egypt will still talk to, which allowed her to get to the ousted president, Mohamed Morsi, when no one else could.
Foreign relations rest to a remarkable extent on the capacity to make trusting personal relationships. But Ashton is also building the model for the conduct of EU foreign affairs, and she has used it as far as she can to promote a personal agenda. She chairs the foreign affairs council of EU foreign ministers, which includes very few women, but she has sought out talented women to promote in EU external relations. There are now 27 women heads of delegation – only a small proportion of the 140, but it's a start.
Politics needs its theatre, and its dramatic actors. But it also needs people who can deliver the business, and sometimes that can be done better out of the spotlight. Oddly, Ashton's challenge now may be to move back into the shadows.
Born Upholland, Lancashire
Education Wigan Mining and Technical College; Bedford College, University of London
Family Married to Peter Kellner, pollster and commentator, with two children and three stepchildren
Low point Critics claimed it was "the most ridiculous appointment in EU history" when she became high representative for foreign affairs and security policy
High point Sunday's deal. "She did brilliantly," says foreign secretary William Hague
She says: "Am I an ego on legs? No. I am not. Do I want to be seen out there all the time saying everything? No, I don't. I'm not interested in the limelight"
They say: "Baroness Ashton is ideal for her new role. She has never had a proper job and has never been elected to public office." – Nigel Farage, Ukip leader
"She has the charisma of a caravan site on the Isle of Sheppey" – Rod Liddle, the Spectator
"People underestimate Cathy at their peril. She is not a great big bruiser. She is a persuader and a charmer. That is the secret of her success" – Shami Chakrabarti, Liberty